The Armenian government headed by Nikol Pashinyan does not abandon its attempts to internationalize the conflict in Karabakh. On October 18, the self-proclaimed NKR hosted German deputies. Armenia media presented their visit as a diplomatic victory. However, it was a Pyrrhic victory, and the arrival of parliamentarians - right-wing radicals - only underlined Yerevan's dangerous tendency to flirt with nationalist sentiments.
During the visit, the deputies loudly declared their support for the NKR. They even promised Yerevan a gratifying thing - to impose sanctions against Turkey, whose participation in the conflict has never been proven. The Armenian media hastened to relay this as Berlin's recognition of Yerevan's position, but such actions are a blatant falsification of facts. First of all, the German delegation's composition is indicative - all the deputies are members of the Alternative for Germany (AfD) party, which is in the parliamentary opposition at home and has no right to speak on behalf of Berlin. Some media try to portray it as center-right by using anti-immigrant rhetoric. However, after their involvement in the riots in Chemnitz, the regional branches of the AfD were monitored by the special services, and representatives of the ruling coalition bluntly stated that the 'party politicians are questioning the correctness of the law too frequently.'
Symptomatically, the AfD members are not visiting NKR for the first time: in June 2019, the delegation expressed support for Yerevan. It included Stefan Koiter, who became famous for sending out Nazi materials and trying to hush up the case after a lawsuit for insults motivated by xenophobia. It is also significant that one of the AfD leaders, Alexander Gauland, once actively opposed establishing a festive Day of Liberation throughout Germany on May 8, calling the date 'contradictory.'
Such 'international support' works against Armenia, but Yerevan is in no hurry to make clarifications. The reason is the active warming up of nationalist sentiments in the republic by the Pashinyan cabinet. Just recall the scandal around the monument to Garegin Nzhdeh: in Armenia, he is considered one of the founders of modern statehood, though his cooperation with the Third Reich is a proven fact, and Nikol Pashinyan openly aggravates the situation, putting Nzhdeh on a par with the Minister of Foreign Affairs of the USSR Vyacheslav Molotov.
The Armenian prime minister also has enough of 'skeletons in the closet' not only due to his relations with the Soros Foundation but also because of the problem of Nazism. In the spring of 2019, a scandal erupted in the republic over Pashinyan's post about his grandfather, published on the eve of the Victory anniversary. Pashinyan wrote that his ancestor Nikolai (they are full namesakes) died as a soldier of the Red Army in battles against the Nazis. However, journalists quickly learned that this information was hardly accurate. They found the answer in the generalized 'Memorial' data bank of the Russian Ministry of Defense, which accumulates information about the participants of the Great Patriotic War, who died of wounds in hospitals, missing or in captivity. And, according to the Memorial, a certain Nikolai Pashinyan participated in the Second World War, but not on the Soviet side. He 'collaborated with the enemy.' Despite the public interest, the Armenian prime minister did not give an intelligible comment on this matter, which only spurred his critics, who consider the politician completely loyal to neo-Nazi sentiments.
This problem brings other difficulties to the relations between Yerevan and Moscow. It is no secret that the Kremlin in recent years has been extremely jealous of the topic of World War II, and President Vladimir Putin even wrote an extensive article about the impossibility of revising its course and results. He also continually raises this topic in his public speeches. In such conditions, Armenia's flirtations with openly neo-Nazi forces become an aggravating factor for the Armenian authorities and add points to Baku, which is supported by the international community on the issue of recognizing the occupation of Karabakh lands by Yerevan.